вторник, 13 января 2015 г.

New victims of "truce" in Donbass

Ten people died and 13 more were injured as a bus was shelled in the eastern Donetsk region, Ukraine’s Interior Ministry said. Denis Pushilin, Donetsk People’s Republic representative at Minsk talks, said the attack may have been staged by Kiev.
The incident took place near a Ukrainian military checkpoint near the town of Volnovakha on Tuesday, the spokesman for the Interior Ministry in the Donetsk region, Vyacheslav Ambroskin, said. He posted the information on his Facebook page.
Meanwhile, the regional administration reported that 18 people had been injured.
Ambroskin said the checkpoint was shelled from the direction of the town of Dokuchaevsk, which is under the control of local militia forces. The town of Volnovakha is under Kiev’s control.
RT is reaching out to its sources to verify the incident and get the details.
The Defense Ministry of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic denied that local militia forces were involved in the attack.
There is a Ukrainian checkpoint near the town of Volhovanka but it is “out of range of the Donetsk militia’s artillery,” a representative of the Defense Ministry of the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) told Interfax.
Denis Pushilin also told RT that the shelling occurred near Volnovakha at a Ukrainian army checkpoint that is "out of the operational range of the artillery of our militia."
“I don’t rule out the possibility that [the attack] could be the Ukrainian army’s provocation, to attempt to put the blame for what has happened on local militia,” Pushilin said.
Pushilin earlier Tuesday warned that the Ukrainian army could launch an offensive “any second” as troops have been massing near the border of the self-proclaimed republics.
He added that the National Guard battalion Sich, stationed in a Donetsk suburb, has been “provoking us with fire,” while the commander of the battalion said he refused to follow Kiev’s orders.
Following several weeks of calm there was hope that peace talks between Kiev and the eastern self-proclaimed republics were bearing fruit. However, after the winter holidays the conflict between local militia and Ukraine’s army stationed in the east has reignited, Donetsk officials say.
About 7,500 people were affected after a shell hit a gas pipeline in the Kievsky district of Donetsk on Monday.

воскресенье, 11 января 2015 г.

Russia in photos

Chukotka. Part two.

плавание в медвежьем стиле

Чукотка, Чукотский полуостров

Чукотка, Чукотский полуостров

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Остров Врангеля

Russia in photos

Chukotka part one.

Chukotka is far and close. There is the furthest part of Russia on the north-easternmost part of Eurasia. There are no roads towards there. There are no railways. The plane is the single opportunity to overcome 6400 kilometers from Moscow to Anadyr. Such remoteness of Chukotka makes its people stand side-by-side in order to hold out against the difficulties and freaks of nature. That’s why people are much more closer to each other here. Having met only once in Chukotka we became good friends. And it is Chukotka which is always in the centre of the people’s talks who has ever been here.
Chukotka is severe and beautiful. People say about relentless frost and storms from the Arctic and the Pacific Oceans in winter with the same emotions like about its majestic and monumental beauty. It is really cold and splendid here. But if one has a chance to sea the Northern Lights and, we are sure, he says that there is no more magnificent place on the Earth than here. You can spend some winter time in Chukotka Arctic and then realize all the beauty of our spring summer. And the most picturesque bays and fiords of Chukchii Peninsular make of you the real discoverer.
Chukotka is warm and distinctive. Indigenous people are the real treasure of this land. They are hospitable and open. Chukchii, Eskimo, Evens are always glad to new and new comers. And they are ready to suggest you all their things. People of Chukotka live in accordance with the main Law of the Arctic – whatever you are they will help and support any stranger. Indigenous people have their own way of life where everything is interrelated in the world – people, spirits, nature.
Chukotka is real.


It's not an advertizing, it's just the best description of Chukotka I have found in in the Web.)

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Je suis Donbass


четверг, 1 января 2015 г.

Cartoon "Winter in Prostokvashino"

Happy New Year!)

A Russophobic Rant From Congress by Patrick J. Buchanan

A Russophobic Rant From Congress by Patrick J. Buchanan -- Antiwar.com

Hopefully, Russians realize that our House of Representatives often passes thunderous resolutions to pander to special interests, which have no bearing on the thinking or actions of the U.S. government.
As ex-Rep. Ron Paul writes, House Resolution 758 is so “full of war propaganda that it rivals the rhetoric from the chilliest era of the Cold War.”
H. R. 758 is a Russophobic rant full of falsehoods and steeped in superpower hypocrisy.
Among the 43 particulars in the House indictment is this gem:
“The Russian Federation invaded the Republic of Georgia in August 2008.”
Bullhockey. On Aug. 7-8, 2008, Georgia invaded South Ossetia, a tiny province that had won its independence in the 1990s. Georgian artillery killed Russian peacekeepers, and the Georgian army poured in.
Only then did the Russian army enter South Ossetia and chase the Georgians back into their own country.
The aggressor of the Russo-Georgia war was not Vladimir Putin but President Mikheil Saakashvili, brought to power in 2004 in one of those color-coded revolutions we engineered in the Bush II decade.
H.R. 758 condemns the presence of Russian troops in Abkhazia, which also broke from Georgia in the early 1990s, and in Transnistria, which broke from Moldova. But where is the evidence that the peoples of Transnistria, Abkhazia or South Ossetia want to return to Moldova or Georgia?
We seem to support every ethnic group that secedes from Russia, but no ethnic group that secedes from a successor state.
This is rank Russophobia masquerading as democratic principle.
What do the people of Crimea, Transnistria, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Luhansk or Donetsk want? Do we really know? Do we care?
And what have the Russians done to support secessionist movements to compare with our 78-day bombing of Serbia to rip away her cradle province of Kosovo, which had been Serbian land before we were a nation?
H.R. 758 charges Russia with an “invasion” of Crimea.
But there was no air, land or sea invasion. The Russians were already there by treaty and the reannexation of Crimea, which had belonged to Russia since Catherine the Great, was effected with no loss of life.
Compare how Putin retrieved Crimea, with the way Lincoln retrieved the seceded states of the Confederacy — a four-year war in which 620,000 Americans perished.
Russia is charged with using “trade barriers to apply economic and political pressure” and interfering in Ukraine’s “internal affairs.”
This is almost comical.
The U.S. has imposed trade barriers and sanctions on Russia, Belarus, Iran, Cuba, Burma, Congo, Sudan, and a host of other nations.
Economic sanctions are the first recourse of the American Empire.
And agencies like the National Endowment for Democracy and its subsidiaries, our NGOs and Cold War radios, RFE and Radio Liberty, exist to interfere in the internal affairs of countries whose regimes we dislike, with the end goal of “regime change.”
Was that not the State Department’s Victoria Nuland, along with John McCain, prancing around Kiev, urging insurgents to overthrow the democratically elected government of Viktor Yanukovych?
Was Nuland not caught boasting about how the U.S. had invested $5 billion in the political reorientation of Ukraine, and identifying whom we wanted as prime minister when Yanukovych was overthrown?
H.R. 578 charges Russia with backing Syria’s Assad regime and providing it with weapons to use against “the Syrian people.”
But Assad’s principal enemies are the al-Nusra Front, an al-Qaida affiliate, and ISIS. They are not only his enemies, and Russia’s enemies, but our enemies. And we ourselves have become de facto allies of Assad with our air strikes against ISIS in Syria.
And what is Russia doing for its ally in Damascus, by arming it to resist ISIS secessionists, that we are not doing for our ally in Baghdad, also under attack by the Islamic State?
Have we not supported Kurdistan in its drive for autonomy? Have U.S. leaders not talked of a Kurdistan independent of Iraq?
H.R. 758 calls the President of Russia an “authoritarian” ruler of a corrupt regime that came to power through election fraud and rules by way of repression.
Is this fair, just or wise? After all, Putin has twice the approval rating in Russia as President Obama does here, not to mention the approval rating our Congress.
Damning Russian “aggression,” the House demands that Russia get out of Crimea, South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Transnistria, calls on Obama to end all military cooperation with Russia, impose “visa bans, targeted asset freezes, sectoral sanctions,” and send “lethal … defense articles” to Ukraine.
This is the sort of ultimatum that led to Pearl Harbor.
Why would a moral nation arm Ukraine to fight a longer and larger war with Russia that Kiev could not win, but that could end up costing the lives of ten of thousands more Ukrainians?
Those who produced this provocative resolution do not belong in charge of U.S. foreign policy, nor of America’s nuclear arsenal.

среда, 15 октября 2014 г.

Mikhail Lermontov's birthday- famous russian writer and poet

Prominent Russians: Mikhail Lermontov

October 15, 1814 – July 27, 1841
Mikhail Lermontov left a unique legacy in Russian literature and his poetic reputation is second in his native country only to Pushkin’s.

Caught in the family feud

Lermontov was born on October 15, 1814, in Moscow. His father, Yuri, was an impoverished army officer, while his mother, Maria Arsenyeva, was a wealthy young heiress from a prominent aristocratic family. Lermontov’s maternal grandmother, Elizaveta Arsenyeva, regarded their marriage as a clear mismatch and deeply disliked her son-in-law.
The union turned out to be ill-suited and the couple soon grew apart. Lermontov’s mother died three years later, aged 21, a disappointed and melancholic figure. After her death, her rich and authoritative mother, Elizaveta, launched a formidable battle for her beloved grandson, promising to disinherit him if his father took the boy away.

Life with grandmother

The father and son were eventually separated and, at the age of three, Lermontov began a spoilt and luxurious life with his doting grandmother, at her family estate of Tarkhany, in the Penza region in Central Russia.
No expense was spared to provide Lermontov with the best schooling and lifestyle his grandmother’s money could buy. He received an extensive home education, becoming fluent in French and German, playing several music instruments and proving a gifted painter.
Since he suffered from poor health, Arsenyeva undertook several trips to the sunny Caucasus for a better climate and treatment at the mineral springs. The Caucasus greatly impressed Lermontov, inspiring a passion for its mountains and stirring beauty.
Yet fearing Lermontov’s father would eventually claim his right to bring up his son, Arsenyeva strictly limited contact between the two, causing young Lermontov much pain and remorse. Despite all the pampering lavished upon him, and torn by the family feud, he grew up lonely and withdrawn.

Moscow University

At the age of 14 Lermontov was taken to Moscow to continue his education. He enrolled at Moscow University, one of Russia’s best, in 1830. He started writing poetry, with much of his early verse greatly influenced by the works of British poet Lord Byron.
A year into his university studies, the final, tragic act of the family drama played out. Having been deeply hurt by his son’s alienation, Lermontov’s father died. For Mikhail it was a terrible loss, plunging the young man into depression.
Lermontov’s career at the university proved short-lived. He rarely took part in student life and showed little interest in lectures, often bringing books from home instead. He eventually left university without completing his course and seriously reconsidered his options.

Military school

He decided to move to St. Petersburg and entered a military cavalry school. A glittering army career tempted many young noble men of the time, but Lermontov quickly realised he wasn’t cut out for a life of drills, discipline and drinking.
He developed a poisonous wit and cruel humour that would often earn him enemies. Lermontov’s skill in drawing caricatures was matched by his ability to put someone in their place with a nickname or epigram.
Upon his graduation two years later, Lermontov became an officer in a Life-Guard Regiment stationed near St. Petersburg. He plunged into a heady high society mix of drawing-room gossip and ballroom glitter, gaining some fame as a poet.

The first exile

But the year of 1837 changed all that. When the outstanding Russian poet Aleksandr Pushkin was fatally wounded in a duel, Lermontov wrote the inflammatory poem The Death of a Poet. The final lines explicitly accused the powerful pillars of Russian high society of complicity in Pushkin's murder.
The poem caused uproar. It propelled Lermontov to unprecedented levels of fame, but provoked the wrath of the Czar. The poet was arrested and sent to the Caucasus.

The hero of his time

Ironically, the place of his exile was also the land he loved as a child. Attracted to the nature of the Caucasus and excited by its folklore, he studied the local languages, wrote some of his most splendid poems and painted extensively. Thanks to his grandmother’s efforts though, Lermontov soon returned to St. Petersburg, and to the high society theatre-going and ballroom dancing existence. Widely hailed as a promising literary talent, he published a number of his works and began his famous novel A Hero of Our Time.
Lermontov’s only novel earned him recognition as one of the founding fathers of Russian prose. The partially autobiographical story consists of five closely linked tales revolving around a single character, a disenchanted, bored and doomed young nobleman. Featuring the character Pechorin, the book is considered a pioneering classic of Russian psychological realism. It was published in 1840, earning the author widespread acclaim.

The second exile

But Lermontov’s socialite life wouldn’t last for long. That same year he clashed with the son of a French ambassador over a young society woman. A duel followed that prompted the poet’s second Caucasian exile. Lermontov was dispatched to the front-line fighting the local tribesmen. He proved to be a brave soldier but dreamed of the time when he could leave the army and devote himself entirely to his writing.
He was eventually allowed two-months leave and promptly rushed to St. Petersburg, but the Czar declined his request for discharge and denied him the award of bravery in battle. Lermontov was forced to return back to the army, arriving in the town of Pyatigorsk in May 1841.

Death and legacy

He joined the town’s social life, meeting one of his old acquaintances, fellow army officer Nikolay Martynov. Although the two men were seemingly on good terms, Martynov soon became a target of Lermontov’s sharp wit and caustic jokes.
One proved to be a joke too many and Martynov challenged Lermontov to a duel. It left Martynov unharmed – but was fatal for Lermontov. He was killed on the spot on the evening of July 27, 1941, at the foot of Mashuk Mountain. He was just 26.
Lermontov never married and left no children. His love-life proved an unhappy one. Despite some high society conquests, throughout his life he apparently remained in love with childhood friend Varvara Lopukhina. The passion was said to be reciprocal but, pressed by her family, Varvara went on to marry a wealthy aristocrat much older than herself. Many of Lermontov’s poems are devoted to his lifelong love, Varvara becoming an inspiration behind many of his female characters.
Lermontov’s life is viewed as one of the most epic and dramatic in the history of Russian literature. Although many of his major poetic works remain largely unknown to English-speaking readers, they can be readily quoted from memory by millions of Russians.
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